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Abstract： Neo-Confucianism flourished during the Qiandao and Chunxi periods of Emperor Xiaozong of the Southern Song. In the long process of intellectual exchanges and discussions with other academic schools and their struggles against sycophantic officials， the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials and their like-minded friends formed a party. The Neo-Confucian party represents the peak of the Song scholar-official group， which is not a clique in the traditional sense but possesses the characteristics of a political party. These characteristics are manifested in their common political platform， distinct collectivization， particular organization， and goal of taking power. Due to these political characteristics， the development of the party threatened the imperial power， and thus was put down by the non-Neo-Confucian party， resulting in a ban on the Neo-Confucian party during the Qingyuan period.
Keywords： Neo-Confucian party， clique， political party， characteristics， Zhu Xi， Qingyuan ban on the Neo-Confucian party
Introduction [Refer to page 90 for Chinese. Similarly hereinafter]
In 1189， Yang Wanli 杨万里 （1127–1206）， a noted literary man of the Southern Song dynasty， criticized the abuse of “clique” or “party” labels in public opinion， such as the cliques of this or that prime minister by one’s relationship with them， the cliques of this or that prefecture by their geographical locations， and the “Neo-Confucian party” and “non-Neo-Confucian party” by one’s political and ethical standpoints. Yang even exclaimed， “How many parties there were！” According to The History of the Song Dynasty [宋史]， Yang Wanli had a close friendship with Zhang Jun 張浚 （1097–1164） and Zhang Shi 张栻 （styled Nanxuan 南轩， 1133–1180）， and thus had a strong background in Neo-Confucianism under their influence. His original intention was to send a memorial to the emperor to explain that there was no such political party as the “Neo-Confucian party.” Under the autocratic monarchy， it was always taboo for subordinates to form a party. As Han Fei 韩非 （ca. 280–233 BCE） asserted， if reward and punishment are determined by compliment and criticism， subordinates will inevitably band together for personal interest and form cliques. Cliques will forget their loyalty to the emperor and seek their own interest. As a result， the emperor will be isolated. This， then， is the root of the decline of the empire. All the emperors of past dynasties were supporters of Han Fei’s theory and detested cliques. To defend the Neo-Confucian party， Yang Wanli denied its existence as a clique. In fact， the Southern Song Neo-Confucian party was formed under Emperor Xiaozong’s Qiandao （1165–1173） and Chunxi （1174–1189） periods at the latest. According to Shen Songqin 沈松勤，
After Qin Hui’s 秦桧 （1090–1155） death， the ban on Daoxue 道学 （Neo-Confucianism） was lifted， and the cultural environment was improved. During the Qiandao and Chunxi periods， it gradually became prosperous. . . . In this process of development， although there were different intellectual opinions or schools within Neo-Confucianism， and there had been fierce debates because of these different opinions， their political demands showed considerable consistency. Especially after their struggle against the force of sycophantic officials， since the Qiandao period Neo-Confucians formed a unity in governing the people’s minds and the empire. That is， the Neo-Confucian kindred spirits consciously became a united and unique political group， and thus a political partner.
Meanwhile， much of the court and commonality began to take Neo-Confucianism as the object of opposition， which marked the formation of the non-Neo-Confucian party. In his memorial sent to Emperor Xiaozong in June 1188， Zhu Xi 朱熹 （1130–1200） stated his view that， for more than ten years， there were fierce attacks and rejections on Neo-Confucianism from the imperial halls in the capital to the towns and villages， which had confined the worthies， like the ban on academic schools in Emperor Zhezong’s Yuanyou period （1086–1094）. It can be inferred from Zhu’s memorial that the non-Neo-Confucian movement by the court and commonality started during the Qiandao and Chunxi periods.
In the Song dynasty （960–1279）， the scholar-officials had a strong sense of independence， and party formations and conflicts were commonplace. Ouyang Xiu 歐阳修 （1007–1072） said， “It is natural for gentlemen to make friends with gentlemen on the basis of common principles， and villains to make friends with villains on the basis of common interests. However， I believe that villains do not have true friends， but gentlemen do.” In fact， it shows that forming a clique is reasonable for gentlemen. It was in Emperor Xiaozong’s reign （r. 1163–1189） that the “Neo-Confucian party” became the most developed clique， not only in the Song dynasty but in the entire history of imperial China， which had certain characteristics of a political party.
Despite only a slight difference in wording between pengdang 朋党 （clique） and zhengdang 政党 （political party）， they are fundamentally different. Liang Qichao 梁启超 （1873–1929） once said， “A political party is formed for the sake of the nation， but a clique for the sake of personal interests. . . . The so-called ‘party’ in Chinese history is different from the ‘party’ in European and American constitutional countries. Thus one is called a clique and the other a political party.” In short， a clique is a factional phenomenon among officials under the autocratic monarchy. Its main body consists of the officials who hold part of the power in the established political system， and its purpose is mainly self-interest. A political party is different. Wang Changjiang’s 王长江 definition of a political party goes as follows： “A political organization in which people with common political will in certain social groups voluntarily join together to achieve political power as the primary goal.” Therefore， a political party should have the following elements： （1） the participants have a common value pursuit and political platform; （2） they belong to a certain class， stratum， or group; （3） they are organized; and （4） the goal is to take political power. If we use the above criteria to observe the Southern Song Neo-Confucian party， its political characteristics are very obvious. To my limited knowledge， there is no detailed discussion on this issue in academic circles. This paper attempts to explore and discuss this topic as follows. A Common Political Platform [92]
A political platform indicates that a political party sets its goals and courses of action according to the interest groups it represents. The political platform of the Neo-Confucian party aims to reconstruct the ideal Confucian political order by returning to the nature of morality. It originates from the Great Learning：
Things being investigated， knowledge became complete. Their knowledge being complete， their thoughts were sincere. Their thoughts being sincere， their minds were then rectified. Their minds being rectified， their persons were cultivated. Their persons being cultivated， their families were regulated. Their families being regulated， their states were rightly governed. Their states being rightly governed， the whole kingdom was made tranquil and happy. From the Son of Heaven down to the mass of the people， all must consider the cultivation of the person to be the root.
Confucianism emphasizes that the key to the establishment of a perfect political order lies in the conscious return of all people to their moral nature. In the actual course of politics， the Neo-Confucian party emphasizes the key role of the monarch’s moral cultivation in improving politics and changing customs， that is， to “redress the mistakes of the monarch’s mind” （Mencius 4A：20）.
In the Northern Song， the brothers Cheng Hao 程顥 （1032–1085） and Cheng Yi 程颐 （1033–1107） are the elucidators and practitioners of this political idea. Cheng Hao stressed，
The top priority of a monarch is to investigate the correct learning of the past， to clarify good and evil， to distinguish loyalty and vileness， and to know the correct path. Thus the monarch must first have a determined will. Once the will is determined， the governance of the empire can be established. He who has a determined will must be fully dedicated to the good and firmly persist in it.
Cheng Yi abandoned all tactics at the level of political operation， and took the determined will as the foundation. He believed that once the will was determined， the skill to solve practical problems would take its own course， which could thus achieve the rule of three generations. He further stressed that the so-called determined will is to examine one’s own mind and be sincere; he also emphasized that the motive of the monarch’s action must be completely for the public interest， and not at all for self-interest. What the Cheng brothers emphasized was the political idea of cultivating oneself to govern the country in the Great Learning. The higher the moral quality of politicians， the higher the degree of political civilization. This is the inheritance and development of the fundamental spirit of Confucian political thought， that self-cultivation is prior to politics. The Southern Song Neo-Confucian party inherited its political platform from the Cheng brothers. Although the expression was different， there was no difference in essence. In 1188， Zhu Xi sent the memorial that asked Emperor Xiaozong to examine himself： “Ask your heart directly whether your governing motivation is the Heavenly principle or human desire？ If it is the Heavenly principle， then expand it; . . . if it is human desire， then restrain it.” All the time， keep the Heavenly principle to remove human desire， and then “the imperial heart will be clear and bright.” This governance is the most perfect politics， and nothing is impossible. Further， this is the Neo-Confucian political idea of insisting on the distinction between righteousness and interest. When Lu Jiuyuan 陸九渊 （1139–1193） was teaching Analects 4：16 at the White Deer Cave Academy in 1181， he said，
I presume that one should examine one’s aspiration when studying this. What people see comes from what they learn and what they learn comes from what they aspire to. If they aspire to righteousness， what they learn will lie in righteousness. If they learn righteousness， they will see righteousness. If they aspire to interest， what they learn will lie in interest. If they learn interest， they will see interest.
This is to say that the key to the distinction between righteousness and interest lies in “aspiration，” that is， the motive of doing things. The Neo-Confucian party takes this as the standard for all political qualities， talents， and policies.
After the meeting of Lu Jiuyuan and Zhu Xi at Goose Lake Temple in 1175， there were many epistolary debates between them， and these intellectual debates were fierce. However， their political ideas were the same， which had already been made clear by Lu Jiuyuan’s explanation of “the distinction between righteousness and interest.” Lu Jiuyuan admired Wang Anshi’s 王安石 （1021–1086） “sole devotion to the monarch” and strongly supported his aspiration of “encouraging the monarch to follow Yao and Shun，” but he regretted that Wang Anshi’s political ambition could not be realized. Lu thought that Wang only worked hard at the “nonessentials of the establishment，” but failed to grasp the root of politics， that is， to restore his original mind. As he said， “The cardinal human relationships are human， and yet they are destined by Heaven; conscience is manifested by love and respect; to expand it is what makes sages. . . . So those who seek truth from investigating things are to investigate this thing and seek this truth， so that they can uphold illustrious virtue in the world.” What Lu Jiuyuan expressed is different in approach from Zhu Xi’s analysis of the relationship between Heavenly principle and human desire， and the human mind’s obedience to the mind of the dao 道， but they are the same in essence. They are both “the learning of admonishing the monarch.” He believed that Wang Anshi did not pay attention to this fundamental problem （“failure to exert himself”）， which allowed villains to get the upper hand and led to the failure of the reform. Not only Zhu and Lu， but also Zhang Shi has the same point of view. Zhang’s political ideas are as follows： （1） “the distinction between righteousness and interest” is the beginning for Confucius and Mencius; （2） the key to “the distinction between righteousness and interest” lies in whether to “aim at something” or to “aim at nothing，” that is， righteousness should be natural conduct; and （3） “the distinction between righteousness and interest” is not only the first step of self-cultivation， but also the foundation of the emperor’s rule of the empire， that is， “the distinction between benevolent governance and dictatorial governance.” To sum up， “the distinction between righteousness and interest” is the analysis of the Heavenly principle and human desire， that is， the distinction between public and private， which is the key to self-cultivation and the foundation of national politics， especially for emperors.
Lü Zuqian 呂祖谦 （1137–1181）， another representative of the Southern Song Neo-Confucian party， arrived in Chong’an （in today’s Fujian Province） in the fourth month of 1175， and compiled Reflections on Things at Hand [近思录] together with Zhu Xi at the Cold Spring Academy. Reflections on Things at Hand includes the chapter “Governing Principles” [治体]， which contains passages about the Neo-Confucian concepts of “rectifying the heart and being sincere in the thought，” and “establishing aspirations，” by the Cheng brothers and Zhou Dunyi 周敦颐 （1017–1073）. It is clear that Lü Zuqian and Zhu Xi share the same political views.
The people mentioned above are the representatives of the Neo-Confucian party in the Southern Song dynasty. Therefore， returning to the moral nature to rebuild the ideal political order and taking the monarch’s “establishing aspirations” as the key are the common political platform of the Neo-Confucian party， and also the most important factor that distinguishes them from the traditional cliques.
Distinct Collectivization [94]
In The History of Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism [宋明理学史] edited by Hou Wailu 侯外庐 （1903–1987） and others， Neo-Confucianism is the form of thought that came into being after the commoner landlords replaced the noble landlords. In other words， Neo-Confucianism represents the class interests of commoner landlords. Hou’s view is， of course， reasonable. However， if it comes down to the collectivization of the Neo-Confucian party， it is too simplistic.
First of all， the Neo-Confucian party is obviously different from other scholar-officials in academics， words and deeds， and even clothing. Zhou Mi 周密 （1232–1298） made a systematic summary of this and commented on it with satire. He attributed the subjugation of the country to Neo-Confucianism， which is inevitably biased， and yet it reflects the following problems： First， Neo-Confucians who “made use of their name to deceive the world” despised those who managed wealth and taxes， who set up military headquarters and pioneered frontiers， who read and wrote， and who paid attention to political affairs. They also despised practice and boasted of “rectifying the heart and being sincere in thought.” As mentioned earlier， the political idea of the Neo-Confucian party is to rebuild the social order by restoring the moral nature. Despite the emphasis of Neo-Confucians such as Zhu Xi， Lu Jiuyuan， and Zhang Shi on “restoring natural （mind），” they actually never despised practice. But in any case， starting from the theory of Neo-Confucianism， it was easy to tend toward empty talk and the detestation of practice， especially for pseudo Neo-Confucians or those who only studied it superficially. Such a trend had considerable influence at the time， and even Emperor Xiaozong of Song， as the supreme ruler， had to repeatedly admonish scholar-officials to pay attention to military and civil practical matters. Second， the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials were partial to education in local administration， as Zhou Mi said that they established academies and published teachings and quotations. Neo-Confucians believed that establishing schools must come “first before conducting government，” as exemplified by the most famous ones， such as Zhu Xi’s White Deer Cave Academy， and Liu Gong 刘珙 （1122–1178） and Zhang Shi’s Yuelu Academy. Their academic approach lies in the following aspects： Academic explanations can help to distinguish between righteousness and interest， and between principle and human desire; thus the cardinal principles can be established， customs can remain simple and basic， and politics can become clear and just; finally， foreign invasion can be resisted and the Central Plains can be restored. This approach is very clearly expounded in many parts of the “Accounts of Learning” [學记] in the Collected Works of Nanxuan [南轩文集] by Zhang Shi， and has always been summed up as “inner sageliness and outer kingliness” by the Neo-Confucian party.
Third， the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials are characterized by “poor clothes， meager food， high scarves， and broken shoes，” different from other scholars in clothing and diet. What Zhou Mi said refers to the situation during the reign of Emperor Lizong of the Southern Song （r. 1225–1264）， not necessarily the situation before and after the Chunxi period of Emperor Xiaozong. But the clothing of the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials is truly special. “Full-length scarves with big sleeves” are the typical clothing of the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials at that time. Because Emperor Gaozong （r. 1127–1162） said， “I love Yuanyou （the period and the old party） most，” many Neo-Confucians showed their respect for it， and some of the Cheng brothers’ disciples most prominently， so some people changed their scarves and clothes to achieve the purpose of an official career. After the ban on the Neo-Confucian party during the Qingyuan period （1195–1200）， the obedient and cowardly disciples of the party “changed their clothing” in order to escape the possible persecution. It can also be seen that there were differences in the clothing of the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials from that time.
As for the crude diet， it may be related to the allusion of “Confucius and Yan Hui’s happiness.” Feng Youlan 冯友兰 （1895–1990） explained， “With the mind of ‘merging with everything，’ one will not be concerned with worldly wealth and poverty， and all personal gains and losses. The resulting happiness is ‘Confucius and Yan Hui’s happiness.’” In other words， it is a realm of life that Neo-Confucians want to achieve when dealing with external events and things， and it does not really mean to regard living in poverty as happiness. When teaching at the academy in the mountains， Zhu Xi “served his students only brown rice， and a few cooked eggplants dipped in ginger vinegar.” Zhu Xi’s lifestyle at the academy might have affected the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials. In addition， the Neo-Confucian party also has certain regional characteristics. In Li Xinchuan’s 李心传 Records of Neo-Confucians [道命录]， a list is made of the fifty-nine members of the “rebellious party and pseudo learning” in the Qingyuan ban on the Neo-Confucian party， in which each person’s name is usually marked with his native place. In terms of administrative divisions at that time， Liangzhe East Circuit， Fujian Circuit， and Jiangnan West Circuit hold the top three positions for number of party members. Naturally， this list cannot have covered all the Neo-Confucian party members， but we can generally see their distribution.
Further， the leaders and active members of the Neo-Confucian party are mostly immigrants. That is， those who moved from the Central Plains to Fujian， Jiangxi， and other provinces in different periods have the status of “guests.” For example， Zhu Xi， Lu Jiuyuan， and Lü Zuqian all moved to the south. As noted earlier， the top three areas in terms of number of Neo-Confucian party members include Jiangxi and Fujian. It can be seen that the Neo-Confucian party is at least to a certain extent a group of descendants of immigrants from the Central Plains to the south， which is closely related to their advocacy for the restoration of the Central Plains.
Particular Organization [96]
First of all， the organization of the Neo-Confucian party is reflected in the relationship between mentors and disciples. In ancient China， the relationship between teachers and students was relatively stable， and those who betrayed their teachers would be despised. This kind of teacher–student relationship formed by lecturing can easily be transformed into political friendship. As far as the list of the Neo-Confucian party members in the book Records of Neo-Confucians is concerned， there are eleven disciples of Zhu Xi， plus Zhu Xi himself， accounting for twenty percent of the “Party.” Many others are Zhu Xi’s academic friends， not to mention the fact that the “Party” includes a large number of disciples of Lü Zuqian， Zhang Shi， and Lu Jiuyuan. In other words， the Neo-Confucian party is a party of teachers， students， and friends.
Second， the Neo-Confucian party has a commonly recognized leader. The party leader is， first of all， the academic leader. “Today we inherit Neo-Confucianism from the Cheng brothers， which can be traced back to Confucius and Confucianism. They have all acclaimed Zhu Xi， Zhang Shi， and Lü Zuqian， towering most authoritatively in the world. Scholars have their own origins， and sages continue to spread.” Xin Qiji 辛棄疾 （1140–1207） belongs to the non-Neo-Confucian party. He notes that the representatives of the Neo-Confucian party are Zhu Xi， Lü Zuqian， and Zhang Shi， which should represent the consensus at that time. Zhang Shi was Hu Anguo’s 胡安國 （1074–1138） outstanding student and the representative of the Huxiang School. His father Zhang Jun served as prime minister for a long time， and led the Longxing Northern Expedition， in which Zhang Shi also played an important role. Together with his academic influence， Zhang became the leader of the Neo-Confucian party at that time. At the same time， Lü Zuqian’s position was more important. He was born in a famous family and was a descendant of Lü Yijian 吕夷简 （ca. 978–ca. 1044） and Lü Gongzhu 吕公著 （1018–1089）， the prime ministers of the Northern Song dynasty. His teachings were “based on the family tradition， with inherited documents from the Central Plains;” “he had his origin from the Guan and Luo schools， as well as covering other classics， which seemed endless.” In the debates of various Neo-Confucian schools at that time， Lü Zuqian held an inclusive attitude， mediating the academic differences between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan. Lü Zuqian was deeply appreciated by Emperor Xiaozong and was more successful in his official career than other Neo-Confucians of the same period. It can be said that he was the most important Neo-Confucian leader from the late 1160s to the early 1180s.
After the death of Zhang Shi and Lü Zuqian， there is no doubt that the leader of Neo-Confucians was Zhu Xi. With his strong academic influence， Zhu Xi had a large number of disciples in eastern Zhejiang， Jiangxi， and Fujian. Many disciples of Zhang Shi and Lü Zuqian also asked to learn from him， or changed to join him. Ye Shi 叶适 （1150–1223） and Chen Fuliang 陈傅良 （1137–1203） and others of the Eastern Zhejiang School were also Zhu Xi’s academic friends. In June of 1194， Emperor Xiaozong died， and his son Emperor Guangzong （r. 1190–1194） was not able to hold the funeral. Zhao Ruyu 赵汝愚 （1140–1196）， together with Han Tuozhou 韩侂胄 （1152–1207）， launched a coup to support the establishment of Emperor Ningzong （r. 1195–1224） and quell the turmoil. Therefore， the Neo-Confucian party took power. Zhu Xi was summoned to the capital. He took a boat and arrived at the inn of Six Harmonies Pagoda by Qiantang River. Many of the Neo-Confucian party members came to express their opinions on governance. This scene is symbolic， as if the leaders of modern political parties came to the capital to organize a government. During the ban on the Neo-Confucian party during the Qingyuan period， the non-Neo-Confucian party impeached Zhu Xi as the leader of pseudo-learning， which shows his leadership role was commonly recognized. Goal of Taking Power [98]
Although the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials take “rectifying the heart and being sincere” in thought as the basis of self-cultivation and governance， their purpose of participating in politics and taking political power is the same as that of other cliques. As mentioned previously， the Neo-Confucian party adheres to the road of rectifying the mind and governing the country， which is indicated in the Confucian classic， the Great Learning. Governing the country is their ultimate goal. Yu Ying-shih 余英時 sums up this tendency as “winning over the emperor to carry out the dao.” This is because， in an autocratic society， the emperor has almost unlimited power. In order to realize their political ideal， they had to obtain the support of the monarch. Zhu Xi even proposed “to guide the emperor to the party without fear，” which clearly reveals his political pursuit.
In general， a modern political party acquires the position of the ruling party through election while the Neo-Confucian party holds power in two ways. One way is to become the emperor’s tutor and servant， admonishing the emperor at any time for his faults and rectifying the emperor’s mind so as to influence politics. The Neo-Confucian party thinks that the moral quality of the monarch is the most important factor determining the monarch’s political quality， so the most direct approach is to become the emperor’s tutor and guest friend， and to persuade the emperor at any time to preserve Heavenly principle and eliminate human desire. This is the embodiment of the political platform of the Neo-Confucian party. For example， in 1170， Zhang Shi was summoned into the imperial court to serve as Assistant Minister of the Ministry of Personnel and Imperial Secretary， responsible for recording the emperor’s daily administration， and later as Expositor-in-waiting， responsible for expounding classics and history to the emperor. Zhang Shi talked about the Book of Poetry， and discussed the political affairs at that time， in order to inspire the emperor and so to have an impact on the imperial governance. Thus， it can be seen that members of the Neo-Confucian party influenced the emperor and controlled the state governance by becoming close officials or even tutors of the emperor. This is the ideal of the “imperial tutor.”
The other way is to become the ruling ministers， to take power and govern the country. The Song bureaucratic system was well developed， with the political culture that the emperor “rules the empire together with the literati，” so the ruling ministers had greater power to deal with political affairs. No wonder the Song people said， “The prime minister shoulders the responsibility of the empire.” In the Song dynasty， the Bureau of Military Affairs and the Three Departments （Secretariat， Chancellery， and Department of State Affairs）， known collectively as the “Two Agencies，” took charge of military and political affairs. If one became an official of the two agencies， he came into power. And if some of the party members became ranking officials， the Neo-Confucian party became able to influence the government， and even to hold power during Emperor Guangzong’s reign. Conclusion [99]
The Neo-Confucian party has certain characteristics of a political party， but it is not yet a political party. Its organization is not strict， and the relationship between its members is maintained by mentors and disciples; its leader is not a political leader. For example， in the periods of Emperor Guangzong and Emperor Ningzong， Zhu Xi was undoubtedly the party leader， but it was Liu Zheng 留正 （1129–1206） and Zhao Ruyu who controlled the power， and the party leader could not take the lead in actual affairs. In any case， the Neo-Confucian party still represents the peak of the Song dynasty group of scholar-officials.
On the surface， the non-Neo-Confucian party suppressed the Neo-Confucian party through the ban on the Neo-Confucian party during the Qingyuan period. In fact， the Neo-Confucian party’s failure lies in its threat to the imperial power. Shen Jizu 沈繼祖 （fl. 1169–1196） impeached Zhu Xi and the Neo-Confucian party mainly for two reasons. First， when Zhu Xi gave lectures at the Wuyi Academy， he “served his students only brown rice， and a few cooked eggplants dipped in ginger vinegar.” Shen Jizu regarded this as “plotting evil while eating，” which was tantamount to accusing them of plotting rebellion. Second， the articles of impeachment of “privately setting up discussion topics，” “concealing forms and hiding shadows，” and “every man stealing the imperial power and fortune” are all about the Neo-Confucian party’s threats to the imperial power. This accusation is intolerable to any emperor. In other words， the party characteristics of the Neo-Confucian party are the root cause of its failure.
Bibliography of Cited Translations
Legge， James， trans. Confucian Analects， the Great Learning & the Doctrine of the Mean. Newburyport： Dover Publications， 2013.
Translated by Zhu Yuan
Keywords： Neo-Confucian party， clique， political party， characteristics， Zhu Xi， Qingyuan ban on the Neo-Confucian party
Introduction [Refer to page 90 for Chinese. Similarly hereinafter]
In 1189， Yang Wanli 杨万里 （1127–1206）， a noted literary man of the Southern Song dynasty， criticized the abuse of “clique” or “party” labels in public opinion， such as the cliques of this or that prime minister by one’s relationship with them， the cliques of this or that prefecture by their geographical locations， and the “Neo-Confucian party” and “non-Neo-Confucian party” by one’s political and ethical standpoints. Yang even exclaimed， “How many parties there were！” According to The History of the Song Dynasty [宋史]， Yang Wanli had a close friendship with Zhang Jun 張浚 （1097–1164） and Zhang Shi 张栻 （styled Nanxuan 南轩， 1133–1180）， and thus had a strong background in Neo-Confucianism under their influence. His original intention was to send a memorial to the emperor to explain that there was no such political party as the “Neo-Confucian party.” Under the autocratic monarchy， it was always taboo for subordinates to form a party. As Han Fei 韩非 （ca. 280–233 BCE） asserted， if reward and punishment are determined by compliment and criticism， subordinates will inevitably band together for personal interest and form cliques. Cliques will forget their loyalty to the emperor and seek their own interest. As a result， the emperor will be isolated. This， then， is the root of the decline of the empire. All the emperors of past dynasties were supporters of Han Fei’s theory and detested cliques. To defend the Neo-Confucian party， Yang Wanli denied its existence as a clique. In fact， the Southern Song Neo-Confucian party was formed under Emperor Xiaozong’s Qiandao （1165–1173） and Chunxi （1174–1189） periods at the latest. According to Shen Songqin 沈松勤，
After Qin Hui’s 秦桧 （1090–1155） death， the ban on Daoxue 道学 （Neo-Confucianism） was lifted， and the cultural environment was improved. During the Qiandao and Chunxi periods， it gradually became prosperous. . . . In this process of development， although there were different intellectual opinions or schools within Neo-Confucianism， and there had been fierce debates because of these different opinions， their political demands showed considerable consistency. Especially after their struggle against the force of sycophantic officials， since the Qiandao period Neo-Confucians formed a unity in governing the people’s minds and the empire. That is， the Neo-Confucian kindred spirits consciously became a united and unique political group， and thus a political partner.
Meanwhile， much of the court and commonality began to take Neo-Confucianism as the object of opposition， which marked the formation of the non-Neo-Confucian party. In his memorial sent to Emperor Xiaozong in June 1188， Zhu Xi 朱熹 （1130–1200） stated his view that， for more than ten years， there were fierce attacks and rejections on Neo-Confucianism from the imperial halls in the capital to the towns and villages， which had confined the worthies， like the ban on academic schools in Emperor Zhezong’s Yuanyou period （1086–1094）. It can be inferred from Zhu’s memorial that the non-Neo-Confucian movement by the court and commonality started during the Qiandao and Chunxi periods.
In the Song dynasty （960–1279）， the scholar-officials had a strong sense of independence， and party formations and conflicts were commonplace. Ouyang Xiu 歐阳修 （1007–1072） said， “It is natural for gentlemen to make friends with gentlemen on the basis of common principles， and villains to make friends with villains on the basis of common interests. However， I believe that villains do not have true friends， but gentlemen do.” In fact， it shows that forming a clique is reasonable for gentlemen. It was in Emperor Xiaozong’s reign （r. 1163–1189） that the “Neo-Confucian party” became the most developed clique， not only in the Song dynasty but in the entire history of imperial China， which had certain characteristics of a political party.
Despite only a slight difference in wording between pengdang 朋党 （clique） and zhengdang 政党 （political party）， they are fundamentally different. Liang Qichao 梁启超 （1873–1929） once said， “A political party is formed for the sake of the nation， but a clique for the sake of personal interests. . . . The so-called ‘party’ in Chinese history is different from the ‘party’ in European and American constitutional countries. Thus one is called a clique and the other a political party.” In short， a clique is a factional phenomenon among officials under the autocratic monarchy. Its main body consists of the officials who hold part of the power in the established political system， and its purpose is mainly self-interest. A political party is different. Wang Changjiang’s 王长江 definition of a political party goes as follows： “A political organization in which people with common political will in certain social groups voluntarily join together to achieve political power as the primary goal.” Therefore， a political party should have the following elements： （1） the participants have a common value pursuit and political platform; （2） they belong to a certain class， stratum， or group; （3） they are organized; and （4） the goal is to take political power. If we use the above criteria to observe the Southern Song Neo-Confucian party， its political characteristics are very obvious. To my limited knowledge， there is no detailed discussion on this issue in academic circles. This paper attempts to explore and discuss this topic as follows. A Common Political Platform [92]
A political platform indicates that a political party sets its goals and courses of action according to the interest groups it represents. The political platform of the Neo-Confucian party aims to reconstruct the ideal Confucian political order by returning to the nature of morality. It originates from the Great Learning：
Things being investigated， knowledge became complete. Their knowledge being complete， their thoughts were sincere. Their thoughts being sincere， their minds were then rectified. Their minds being rectified， their persons were cultivated. Their persons being cultivated， their families were regulated. Their families being regulated， their states were rightly governed. Their states being rightly governed， the whole kingdom was made tranquil and happy. From the Son of Heaven down to the mass of the people， all must consider the cultivation of the person to be the root.
Confucianism emphasizes that the key to the establishment of a perfect political order lies in the conscious return of all people to their moral nature. In the actual course of politics， the Neo-Confucian party emphasizes the key role of the monarch’s moral cultivation in improving politics and changing customs， that is， to “redress the mistakes of the monarch’s mind” （Mencius 4A：20）.
In the Northern Song， the brothers Cheng Hao 程顥 （1032–1085） and Cheng Yi 程颐 （1033–1107） are the elucidators and practitioners of this political idea. Cheng Hao stressed，
The top priority of a monarch is to investigate the correct learning of the past， to clarify good and evil， to distinguish loyalty and vileness， and to know the correct path. Thus the monarch must first have a determined will. Once the will is determined， the governance of the empire can be established. He who has a determined will must be fully dedicated to the good and firmly persist in it.
Cheng Yi abandoned all tactics at the level of political operation， and took the determined will as the foundation. He believed that once the will was determined， the skill to solve practical problems would take its own course， which could thus achieve the rule of three generations. He further stressed that the so-called determined will is to examine one’s own mind and be sincere; he also emphasized that the motive of the monarch’s action must be completely for the public interest， and not at all for self-interest. What the Cheng brothers emphasized was the political idea of cultivating oneself to govern the country in the Great Learning. The higher the moral quality of politicians， the higher the degree of political civilization. This is the inheritance and development of the fundamental spirit of Confucian political thought， that self-cultivation is prior to politics. The Southern Song Neo-Confucian party inherited its political platform from the Cheng brothers. Although the expression was different， there was no difference in essence. In 1188， Zhu Xi sent the memorial that asked Emperor Xiaozong to examine himself： “Ask your heart directly whether your governing motivation is the Heavenly principle or human desire？ If it is the Heavenly principle， then expand it; . . . if it is human desire， then restrain it.” All the time， keep the Heavenly principle to remove human desire， and then “the imperial heart will be clear and bright.” This governance is the most perfect politics， and nothing is impossible. Further， this is the Neo-Confucian political idea of insisting on the distinction between righteousness and interest. When Lu Jiuyuan 陸九渊 （1139–1193） was teaching Analects 4：16 at the White Deer Cave Academy in 1181， he said，
I presume that one should examine one’s aspiration when studying this. What people see comes from what they learn and what they learn comes from what they aspire to. If they aspire to righteousness， what they learn will lie in righteousness. If they learn righteousness， they will see righteousness. If they aspire to interest， what they learn will lie in interest. If they learn interest， they will see interest.
This is to say that the key to the distinction between righteousness and interest lies in “aspiration，” that is， the motive of doing things. The Neo-Confucian party takes this as the standard for all political qualities， talents， and policies.
After the meeting of Lu Jiuyuan and Zhu Xi at Goose Lake Temple in 1175， there were many epistolary debates between them， and these intellectual debates were fierce. However， their political ideas were the same， which had already been made clear by Lu Jiuyuan’s explanation of “the distinction between righteousness and interest.” Lu Jiuyuan admired Wang Anshi’s 王安石 （1021–1086） “sole devotion to the monarch” and strongly supported his aspiration of “encouraging the monarch to follow Yao and Shun，” but he regretted that Wang Anshi’s political ambition could not be realized. Lu thought that Wang only worked hard at the “nonessentials of the establishment，” but failed to grasp the root of politics， that is， to restore his original mind. As he said， “The cardinal human relationships are human， and yet they are destined by Heaven; conscience is manifested by love and respect; to expand it is what makes sages. . . . So those who seek truth from investigating things are to investigate this thing and seek this truth， so that they can uphold illustrious virtue in the world.” What Lu Jiuyuan expressed is different in approach from Zhu Xi’s analysis of the relationship between Heavenly principle and human desire， and the human mind’s obedience to the mind of the dao 道， but they are the same in essence. They are both “the learning of admonishing the monarch.” He believed that Wang Anshi did not pay attention to this fundamental problem （“failure to exert himself”）， which allowed villains to get the upper hand and led to the failure of the reform. Not only Zhu and Lu， but also Zhang Shi has the same point of view. Zhang’s political ideas are as follows： （1） “the distinction between righteousness and interest” is the beginning for Confucius and Mencius; （2） the key to “the distinction between righteousness and interest” lies in whether to “aim at something” or to “aim at nothing，” that is， righteousness should be natural conduct; and （3） “the distinction between righteousness and interest” is not only the first step of self-cultivation， but also the foundation of the emperor’s rule of the empire， that is， “the distinction between benevolent governance and dictatorial governance.” To sum up， “the distinction between righteousness and interest” is the analysis of the Heavenly principle and human desire， that is， the distinction between public and private， which is the key to self-cultivation and the foundation of national politics， especially for emperors.
Lü Zuqian 呂祖谦 （1137–1181）， another representative of the Southern Song Neo-Confucian party， arrived in Chong’an （in today’s Fujian Province） in the fourth month of 1175， and compiled Reflections on Things at Hand [近思录] together with Zhu Xi at the Cold Spring Academy. Reflections on Things at Hand includes the chapter “Governing Principles” [治体]， which contains passages about the Neo-Confucian concepts of “rectifying the heart and being sincere in the thought，” and “establishing aspirations，” by the Cheng brothers and Zhou Dunyi 周敦颐 （1017–1073）. It is clear that Lü Zuqian and Zhu Xi share the same political views.
The people mentioned above are the representatives of the Neo-Confucian party in the Southern Song dynasty. Therefore， returning to the moral nature to rebuild the ideal political order and taking the monarch’s “establishing aspirations” as the key are the common political platform of the Neo-Confucian party， and also the most important factor that distinguishes them from the traditional cliques.
Distinct Collectivization [94]
In The History of Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism [宋明理学史] edited by Hou Wailu 侯外庐 （1903–1987） and others， Neo-Confucianism is the form of thought that came into being after the commoner landlords replaced the noble landlords. In other words， Neo-Confucianism represents the class interests of commoner landlords. Hou’s view is， of course， reasonable. However， if it comes down to the collectivization of the Neo-Confucian party， it is too simplistic.
First of all， the Neo-Confucian party is obviously different from other scholar-officials in academics， words and deeds， and even clothing. Zhou Mi 周密 （1232–1298） made a systematic summary of this and commented on it with satire. He attributed the subjugation of the country to Neo-Confucianism， which is inevitably biased， and yet it reflects the following problems： First， Neo-Confucians who “made use of their name to deceive the world” despised those who managed wealth and taxes， who set up military headquarters and pioneered frontiers， who read and wrote， and who paid attention to political affairs. They also despised practice and boasted of “rectifying the heart and being sincere in thought.” As mentioned earlier， the political idea of the Neo-Confucian party is to rebuild the social order by restoring the moral nature. Despite the emphasis of Neo-Confucians such as Zhu Xi， Lu Jiuyuan， and Zhang Shi on “restoring natural （mind），” they actually never despised practice. But in any case， starting from the theory of Neo-Confucianism， it was easy to tend toward empty talk and the detestation of practice， especially for pseudo Neo-Confucians or those who only studied it superficially. Such a trend had considerable influence at the time， and even Emperor Xiaozong of Song， as the supreme ruler， had to repeatedly admonish scholar-officials to pay attention to military and civil practical matters. Second， the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials were partial to education in local administration， as Zhou Mi said that they established academies and published teachings and quotations. Neo-Confucians believed that establishing schools must come “first before conducting government，” as exemplified by the most famous ones， such as Zhu Xi’s White Deer Cave Academy， and Liu Gong 刘珙 （1122–1178） and Zhang Shi’s Yuelu Academy. Their academic approach lies in the following aspects： Academic explanations can help to distinguish between righteousness and interest， and between principle and human desire; thus the cardinal principles can be established， customs can remain simple and basic， and politics can become clear and just; finally， foreign invasion can be resisted and the Central Plains can be restored. This approach is very clearly expounded in many parts of the “Accounts of Learning” [學记] in the Collected Works of Nanxuan [南轩文集] by Zhang Shi， and has always been summed up as “inner sageliness and outer kingliness” by the Neo-Confucian party.
Third， the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials are characterized by “poor clothes， meager food， high scarves， and broken shoes，” different from other scholars in clothing and diet. What Zhou Mi said refers to the situation during the reign of Emperor Lizong of the Southern Song （r. 1225–1264）， not necessarily the situation before and after the Chunxi period of Emperor Xiaozong. But the clothing of the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials is truly special. “Full-length scarves with big sleeves” are the typical clothing of the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials at that time. Because Emperor Gaozong （r. 1127–1162） said， “I love Yuanyou （the period and the old party） most，” many Neo-Confucians showed their respect for it， and some of the Cheng brothers’ disciples most prominently， so some people changed their scarves and clothes to achieve the purpose of an official career. After the ban on the Neo-Confucian party during the Qingyuan period （1195–1200）， the obedient and cowardly disciples of the party “changed their clothing” in order to escape the possible persecution. It can also be seen that there were differences in the clothing of the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials from that time.
As for the crude diet， it may be related to the allusion of “Confucius and Yan Hui’s happiness.” Feng Youlan 冯友兰 （1895–1990） explained， “With the mind of ‘merging with everything，’ one will not be concerned with worldly wealth and poverty， and all personal gains and losses. The resulting happiness is ‘Confucius and Yan Hui’s happiness.’” In other words， it is a realm of life that Neo-Confucians want to achieve when dealing with external events and things， and it does not really mean to regard living in poverty as happiness. When teaching at the academy in the mountains， Zhu Xi “served his students only brown rice， and a few cooked eggplants dipped in ginger vinegar.” Zhu Xi’s lifestyle at the academy might have affected the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials. In addition， the Neo-Confucian party also has certain regional characteristics. In Li Xinchuan’s 李心传 Records of Neo-Confucians [道命录]， a list is made of the fifty-nine members of the “rebellious party and pseudo learning” in the Qingyuan ban on the Neo-Confucian party， in which each person’s name is usually marked with his native place. In terms of administrative divisions at that time， Liangzhe East Circuit， Fujian Circuit， and Jiangnan West Circuit hold the top three positions for number of party members. Naturally， this list cannot have covered all the Neo-Confucian party members， but we can generally see their distribution.
Further， the leaders and active members of the Neo-Confucian party are mostly immigrants. That is， those who moved from the Central Plains to Fujian， Jiangxi， and other provinces in different periods have the status of “guests.” For example， Zhu Xi， Lu Jiuyuan， and Lü Zuqian all moved to the south. As noted earlier， the top three areas in terms of number of Neo-Confucian party members include Jiangxi and Fujian. It can be seen that the Neo-Confucian party is at least to a certain extent a group of descendants of immigrants from the Central Plains to the south， which is closely related to their advocacy for the restoration of the Central Plains.
Particular Organization [96]
First of all， the organization of the Neo-Confucian party is reflected in the relationship between mentors and disciples. In ancient China， the relationship between teachers and students was relatively stable， and those who betrayed their teachers would be despised. This kind of teacher–student relationship formed by lecturing can easily be transformed into political friendship. As far as the list of the Neo-Confucian party members in the book Records of Neo-Confucians is concerned， there are eleven disciples of Zhu Xi， plus Zhu Xi himself， accounting for twenty percent of the “Party.” Many others are Zhu Xi’s academic friends， not to mention the fact that the “Party” includes a large number of disciples of Lü Zuqian， Zhang Shi， and Lu Jiuyuan. In other words， the Neo-Confucian party is a party of teachers， students， and friends.
Second， the Neo-Confucian party has a commonly recognized leader. The party leader is， first of all， the academic leader. “Today we inherit Neo-Confucianism from the Cheng brothers， which can be traced back to Confucius and Confucianism. They have all acclaimed Zhu Xi， Zhang Shi， and Lü Zuqian， towering most authoritatively in the world. Scholars have their own origins， and sages continue to spread.” Xin Qiji 辛棄疾 （1140–1207） belongs to the non-Neo-Confucian party. He notes that the representatives of the Neo-Confucian party are Zhu Xi， Lü Zuqian， and Zhang Shi， which should represent the consensus at that time. Zhang Shi was Hu Anguo’s 胡安國 （1074–1138） outstanding student and the representative of the Huxiang School. His father Zhang Jun served as prime minister for a long time， and led the Longxing Northern Expedition， in which Zhang Shi also played an important role. Together with his academic influence， Zhang became the leader of the Neo-Confucian party at that time. At the same time， Lü Zuqian’s position was more important. He was born in a famous family and was a descendant of Lü Yijian 吕夷简 （ca. 978–ca. 1044） and Lü Gongzhu 吕公著 （1018–1089）， the prime ministers of the Northern Song dynasty. His teachings were “based on the family tradition， with inherited documents from the Central Plains;” “he had his origin from the Guan and Luo schools， as well as covering other classics， which seemed endless.” In the debates of various Neo-Confucian schools at that time， Lü Zuqian held an inclusive attitude， mediating the academic differences between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan. Lü Zuqian was deeply appreciated by Emperor Xiaozong and was more successful in his official career than other Neo-Confucians of the same period. It can be said that he was the most important Neo-Confucian leader from the late 1160s to the early 1180s.
After the death of Zhang Shi and Lü Zuqian， there is no doubt that the leader of Neo-Confucians was Zhu Xi. With his strong academic influence， Zhu Xi had a large number of disciples in eastern Zhejiang， Jiangxi， and Fujian. Many disciples of Zhang Shi and Lü Zuqian also asked to learn from him， or changed to join him. Ye Shi 叶适 （1150–1223） and Chen Fuliang 陈傅良 （1137–1203） and others of the Eastern Zhejiang School were also Zhu Xi’s academic friends. In June of 1194， Emperor Xiaozong died， and his son Emperor Guangzong （r. 1190–1194） was not able to hold the funeral. Zhao Ruyu 赵汝愚 （1140–1196）， together with Han Tuozhou 韩侂胄 （1152–1207）， launched a coup to support the establishment of Emperor Ningzong （r. 1195–1224） and quell the turmoil. Therefore， the Neo-Confucian party took power. Zhu Xi was summoned to the capital. He took a boat and arrived at the inn of Six Harmonies Pagoda by Qiantang River. Many of the Neo-Confucian party members came to express their opinions on governance. This scene is symbolic， as if the leaders of modern political parties came to the capital to organize a government. During the ban on the Neo-Confucian party during the Qingyuan period， the non-Neo-Confucian party impeached Zhu Xi as the leader of pseudo-learning， which shows his leadership role was commonly recognized. Goal of Taking Power [98]
Although the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials take “rectifying the heart and being sincere” in thought as the basis of self-cultivation and governance， their purpose of participating in politics and taking political power is the same as that of other cliques. As mentioned previously， the Neo-Confucian party adheres to the road of rectifying the mind and governing the country， which is indicated in the Confucian classic， the Great Learning. Governing the country is their ultimate goal. Yu Ying-shih 余英時 sums up this tendency as “winning over the emperor to carry out the dao.” This is because， in an autocratic society， the emperor has almost unlimited power. In order to realize their political ideal， they had to obtain the support of the monarch. Zhu Xi even proposed “to guide the emperor to the party without fear，” which clearly reveals his political pursuit.
In general， a modern political party acquires the position of the ruling party through election while the Neo-Confucian party holds power in two ways. One way is to become the emperor’s tutor and servant， admonishing the emperor at any time for his faults and rectifying the emperor’s mind so as to influence politics. The Neo-Confucian party thinks that the moral quality of the monarch is the most important factor determining the monarch’s political quality， so the most direct approach is to become the emperor’s tutor and guest friend， and to persuade the emperor at any time to preserve Heavenly principle and eliminate human desire. This is the embodiment of the political platform of the Neo-Confucian party. For example， in 1170， Zhang Shi was summoned into the imperial court to serve as Assistant Minister of the Ministry of Personnel and Imperial Secretary， responsible for recording the emperor’s daily administration， and later as Expositor-in-waiting， responsible for expounding classics and history to the emperor. Zhang Shi talked about the Book of Poetry， and discussed the political affairs at that time， in order to inspire the emperor and so to have an impact on the imperial governance. Thus， it can be seen that members of the Neo-Confucian party influenced the emperor and controlled the state governance by becoming close officials or even tutors of the emperor. This is the ideal of the “imperial tutor.”
The other way is to become the ruling ministers， to take power and govern the country. The Song bureaucratic system was well developed， with the political culture that the emperor “rules the empire together with the literati，” so the ruling ministers had greater power to deal with political affairs. No wonder the Song people said， “The prime minister shoulders the responsibility of the empire.” In the Song dynasty， the Bureau of Military Affairs and the Three Departments （Secretariat， Chancellery， and Department of State Affairs）， known collectively as the “Two Agencies，” took charge of military and political affairs. If one became an official of the two agencies， he came into power. And if some of the party members became ranking officials， the Neo-Confucian party became able to influence the government， and even to hold power during Emperor Guangzong’s reign. Conclusion [99]
The Neo-Confucian party has certain characteristics of a political party， but it is not yet a political party. Its organization is not strict， and the relationship between its members is maintained by mentors and disciples; its leader is not a political leader. For example， in the periods of Emperor Guangzong and Emperor Ningzong， Zhu Xi was undoubtedly the party leader， but it was Liu Zheng 留正 （1129–1206） and Zhao Ruyu who controlled the power， and the party leader could not take the lead in actual affairs. In any case， the Neo-Confucian party still represents the peak of the Song dynasty group of scholar-officials.
On the surface， the non-Neo-Confucian party suppressed the Neo-Confucian party through the ban on the Neo-Confucian party during the Qingyuan period. In fact， the Neo-Confucian party’s failure lies in its threat to the imperial power. Shen Jizu 沈繼祖 （fl. 1169–1196） impeached Zhu Xi and the Neo-Confucian party mainly for two reasons. First， when Zhu Xi gave lectures at the Wuyi Academy， he “served his students only brown rice， and a few cooked eggplants dipped in ginger vinegar.” Shen Jizu regarded this as “plotting evil while eating，” which was tantamount to accusing them of plotting rebellion. Second， the articles of impeachment of “privately setting up discussion topics，” “concealing forms and hiding shadows，” and “every man stealing the imperial power and fortune” are all about the Neo-Confucian party’s threats to the imperial power. This accusation is intolerable to any emperor. In other words， the party characteristics of the Neo-Confucian party are the root cause of its failure.
Bibliography of Cited Translations
Legge， James， trans. Confucian Analects， the Great Learning & the Doctrine of the Mean. Newburyport： Dover Publications， 2013.
Translated by Zhu Yuan