论文部分内容阅读
Qing
Li Hongzhang （1823-1901）
When the clouds of smoke over the Yellow Sea dissipated 120 years ago， the Beiyang Fleet had been completely annihilated and China defeated in the Sino-Japanese War. Li Hongzhang was a key figure in the event， regardless of history’s judgment.
A politician， general and diplomat of the late Qing Dynasty， Li Hongzhang occupied a prestigious position during the Sino-Japanese War. However， he still could never get the help he needed， as illustrated with the quote “a man against a country.” Crises seemed to rise from all sides – Japan’s provocation and invasion from the outside only exacerbated pressures raging within the country. By the time the Qing made up its mind to fight， the regime was already on its last leg.
Li was fully aware of the country’s situation – too weak to resist the enemy. He therefore insisted on buying time to secure peace through the general diplomatic principle of “cementing relations with Western countries and implementing reforms domestically” during the nation’s self-improvement by “playing one power against another” as China watched each big power’s growing foreign aggression. Nevertheless， much was beyond his control due to the “clear mind” of the imperial court， leaving him no choice but to accept the challenge of war.
The end of the Sino-Japanese War left Li a complete failure. Tokyo emerged victorious and he completely lost the Beiyang Fleet he built as part of the Self-Strengthening Movement， a modernization drive launched throughout the country during the late Qing period， initiated by him and Prince Gong.
Beginning in the 1870s， Li proposed construction of coastal defense by establishing a modern Chinese navy， namely the Beiyang Fleet， which would become most powerful maritime force in Asia at that time. However， the Qing court， considering Japan a“small nation，” ignored its national defense needs claiming budget constraints and cut its military while its opponent was engaged in arms manufacturing on a massive scale.
Upon the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War， the Beiyang Fleet was still composed of aging warships and lacked sufficient ammunition， leading to its eventual destruction. Due to the meager resources he had to work with， Li was forced to lead the navy under the principle of “protecting the ships by anticipating the enemy and hiding to avoid further damage of the ships.” After the war， Li Hongzhang was appointed a major diplomat by Empress Dowager Cixi to negotiate with Japan for peace. After signing the humiliating Treaty of Shimonoseki in Japan， he pledged to never revisit the land， and became a prime scapegoat for the Qing court. He was removed from his positions of Viceroy of Zhili and Beiyang Minister， which he had held for 25 years. He died from liver inflammation two months later at Shenlian Temple in Beijing.
Weng Tonghe （1830-1904）
Weng Tonghe was an important figure in the late Qing court， where he tutored two emperors： Tongzhi and Guangxu. Knowledgeable of both old and new academia， he was an astute teacher， demonstrating to Emperor Guangxu how to manage political affairs through observing general trends of events domestically and internationally， and encouraging him to crack down on long-standing abuses and strengthen social order and law. Weng made indelible contributions to modern Chinese education through injecting his ideas into his political and educational practices.
During his tenure in the Qing court， Weng Tonghe participated in decisions related to the Sino-French and Sino-Japanese wars， served on the Grand Council， and oversaw the Board of Revenue for more than a decade. However， Weng became most famed for two events： the Sino-Japanese War and Constitutional Reform and Modernization – as a war hawk in the former and a reformer in the latter.
Weng offered full support to Emperor Guangxu. During the Sino-Japanese War， he was a member of the top decision-making body of the Qing court， constantly battling with the pacifist faction headed by Li Hongzhang. Some believe that personal disputes and disagreements between Weng and Li were reflected in national affairs. Weng vented his personal frustration by underfunding the Beiyang Fleet， a key factor leading to China’s defeat in the SinoJapanese War – a move which would haunt him for eternity.
The crushing defeat in the Sino-Japanese War triggered the Hundred Days’ Reform from June 11 to September 21， 1898， provoking unprecedented political reform in modern China. Weng stood at the forefront of constitutional reform and modernization after the war， but he was eventually dismissed from office and sent back to his hometown after the reform failed to produce quick results and Emperor Guangxu lost power.
Ding Ruchang （1836-1895）
As China was defeated in the Sino-Japanese War， Ding Ruchang， admiral of the Beiyang Fleet， committed suicide， closing a sad bloody chapter of Asian history. Ding Ruchang joined the Taiping Rebellion in 1854， but later surrendered and defected to the imperial cause. After actively helping the Qing court suppress the Nian Rebellion， he was awarded with the equivalent rank of colonel. In 1874， he protested the Qing Dynasty government’s decision to reduce the size of the army and returned to his hometown to avoid persecution. A fellow villager happened to be Li Hongzhang， a politician， general and diplomat of the late Qing Dynasty， with whom Ding acquired close contact. Li recruited Ding to command the Beiyang Fleet， the most modern of China’s regional navies， and made him a top aide.
During the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895， Ding pushed for direct confrontation with the Imperial Japanese Navy at the Battle of the Yalu River， which lasted more than five hours. After losing five ships and 600 lives， the Chinese navy withdrew to Lushun and Weihai， ordered by the government not to operate east of the mouth of the Yalu River to avoid further damage to warships， thus leaving the Japanese navy void of opposition.
The imperial court dismissed Ding from his position because the Beiyang Fleet suffered such heavy losses under his command. During the subsequent Battle of Weihaiwei， he led the defense against a siege at the Port of Weihai and Liugong Island. The situation again proved hopeless when the Japanese army seized shore fortifications and lowered harbor defenses to enable attacks by Japanese torpedo boats. Ding refused offers of political asylum from Japanese admiral Itoh Sukeyuki and committed suicide by overdosing on opium in his office at the Liugong Island headquarters.
Long after the flames of war subsided， the debate about Ding Ruchang continued. Some consider him a national hero who fought bravely， commanded calmly， refused to surrender， and devoted his life to the country. Others argue he had little knowledge of naval affairs， led incompetently and was too weak to fight the enemy effectively.
Whatever the reasons behind the destruction of the Beiyang Fleet， questions about Ding’s command and failures in battle are left for future generations.
Prince Gong （1833-1898）
Aisin Gioro Yixin， better known as Prince Gong （or formally， Prince Gong of the First Rank）， was the sixth son of Emperor Daoguang of the Qing Dynasty （1644-1911）. He served as military minister from 1853 to 1855. During the Second Opium War （1856-1860）， Yixin was appointed Imperial Envoy with Full Authority for the negotiation with Britain， France and Russia on behalf of the Qing government and concluded the Convention of Beijing with Western powers. In 1884， he was dismissed from office by Empress Dowager Cixi after China’s defeat in the Sino-French War. In 1894， upon the outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War， Yixin was recalled to the imperial court to deal with the situation. As a central figure of power in the Qing imperial court， Yixin contributed considerably to establishing modern Chinese industry and accelerating modern Chinese education.
From the 1860s to 1890s， to enrich and strengthen the country amidst the domestic uprising of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom（1851-1864） and repeated foreign aggression， Yixin spearheaded various reforms during the early part of the Self-Strengthening Movement to modernize China， thus birthing modern Chinese industry through establishing military and civilian-run industries. Modern education accelerated through the establishment of newstyle schools and dispatching students and scholars abroad for further study.
His efforts also helped the late Qing court restore the country by suppressing the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom while maintaining peace with Western powers.
As a senior statesman， Yixin was facing complex challenges when the country was in danger. Some officials placed hope in him， suggesting attacks on Nagasaki and Yokohama in Japan. After periods of being spoiled and dismissed， Yixin learned to play within certain rules – obeying Empress Dowager Cixi’s will.
With regards to the Sino-Japanese War， Cixi advocated making peace， so Yixin was committed to arbitration with involved countries and visited Japan for peace talks. He pleased Cixi with his silence during the handling of foreign affairs， particularly the Sino-Japanese War and the “Triple Intervention.”
As a result， some regard Yixin as “aimlessly wandering with fewer proposals after his reinstatement.”
Korea
Queen Min of Joseon Korea （1851-1895）
Whether in Chinese or English， the name of the First SinoJapanese War highlights only two parties： the Qing Empire and Japan. But actually， Korea was another major player in the war. Queen Min was leading Korea in the late 19th Century when the First Sino-Japanese War broke out. Although she is now better known as Empress Myeongseong， that handle is only a posthumous title. The woman was never empress when alive； she ruled as Queen Min of Joseon Korea， a vassal state of the Qing Empire.
Born in 1851， Queen Min married King Gojong in 1866. At that time， the actual person in power in Korea was King Gojong’s father and regent， Yi Ha-eung， the Taewongun. In the 19th Century， while Western powers were developing exponentially， Taewongun maintained an isolationist policy. To remove her father-in-law’s power and influence， the young queen encouraged her husband to adopt a more open policy， enlist support from proJapan reformists， and appoint members of her clan to a number of positions. During her political battle with Taewongun， the queen gradually distanced herself from pro-Japan reformists， became pro-China， and used Qing power to neutralize enemies. The Qing Empire was defeated in the First Sino-Japanese War and forced to sign the Treaty of Shimonoseki with Japan in which China“recognizes definitively the full and complete independence and autonomy of Korea.” The treaty led to “Triple Intervention” from Russia， France， and Germany， just six days after its signing. They demanded that Japan withdraw its claim to the Liaodong Peninsula. Queen Min immediately realized that she could utilize Russia to fight Japan. Thus， the queen， who had lost some power to pro-Japanese factions in her court， appealed to Russia， which would lead to her death. In 1895， the Japanese stormed the palace in Seoul and assassinated the queen. As Western powers fought each other ferociously in the late 19th Century， Queen Min capitalized on international conflict to buy some time for Korea. She tactfully used conflicts between Japan and Russia to postpone Japan’s domination of Korea.
Taewongun （1820-1898）
In the 1870s， Korea， geographically “encircled” by China， Russia， and Japan， became the flashpoint for struggle between Asia’s young emerging power of Japan and the old Qing Empire. Taewongun， Prince Yi Ha-eung， was a key political figure of Joseon Korea in late 19th Century.
Taewongun literally translates as “prince of the great court.”It was a title granted to the father of the reigning monarch if he did not reign himself. In 1863， King Cheoljong died without an heir and Yi Ha-eung’s 11-year-old son was chosen to be the next king， which was how the Taewongun became regent and came to power. In 1873， King Gojong turned 21. His wife， Queen Min， influenced his decision to “assume full royal responsibility，” a move that forced the Taewongun into semi-retirement. Taewongun and Queen Min quarreled politically for the next two decades， and two corresponding groups， with starkly contrasting domestic and foreign policies， took shape in Korea.
As a renowned conservative politician of modern Korea， Taewongun was known for his reforms in disciplining royal clans and enforcing the seclusion policy. In June 1894， Japan invaded Korea， and asked Korea to carry out domestic reform. Claiming to “help Korea gain autonomy，” Japanese took over the Korean palace， arrested Gojong， and placed the Taewongun in charge. Later， Gojong， in Japananese captivity， was forced to declare war with the Qing Empire and “asked for help” from Japan to “dislodge”Qing soldiers from Korea， the excuse Japan needed to launch the First Sino-Japanese War.
Things didn’t go as smoothly as hoped for Japan with Taewongun in charge， because he didn’t follow their wishes as they hoped. The Japanese soon decided that the Taewongun couldn’t be trusted， and removed him from power. Afterwards， he “abstained from interference in political affairs” and died in February 1898.
Japan
Ito Hirobumi （1841-1909）
In the mid and late 19th Century， Ito Hirobumi was a major figure， even in the international political arena. In 1841， he was born into an ordinary family in Japan. At that time， Japan was in great turmoil： the Tokugawa Shogunate was declining， the feudal political system was deteriorating， and Western powers were gaining influence in the country. In 1863， Ito traveled to Great Britain to study its navy， where he was convinced of the necessity of Japan adopting Western ways. He advocated learning from Western powers， and presided over construction of Japan’s first railway. He visited the United States to study Western currency systems， later constructing Japan’s modern financial system， and took measures to push forward Japan’s industrial modernization. In 1878， at the age of 37， he took the post of Home Minister and secured a central position in the Meiji government. Later， based on European ideas， Ito established a cabinet system of government and became the first prime minister of Japan. In his lifetime， he held the post of prime minister four times.
In 1894， Ito’s cabinet launched the First Sino-Japanese War. During the war， he participated in all of Japan’s major decision making， greatly influencing the process of the war. Some historians even muse that the First Sino-Japanese War was actually a duel between Ito and his Qing counterpart Li Hongzhang， who was also known for his generally pro-modernism stance.
It is fair to say that Ito was a major contributor to Japan becoming a modern global power. Compared to Chinese reformers of his time， Ito attached greater importance to learning the “core”of Western civilization， such as democracy， human rights， and law， rather than just studying technologies and inventions. In October 1909， Ito was assassinated by An Jung-geun， a Korean nationalist， in the northeastern Chinese city of Harbin. After his death， he was given a state funeral.
Mutsu Munemitsu （1844-1897）
Mutsu Munemitsuwas one of the most celebrated statesmen and diplomats of Meiji Japan （1868-1911）. He was also a key figure in modern Sino-Japan relations.
As a young man， Mutsu became friends with several pro-West Japanese politicians including Ito Hirobumi. In 1884， he visited Great Britain and Germany to study constitutionalism. In 1886， he returned to Japan to work for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1894， as foreign minister of the Ito Hirobumi cabinet， he pushed for the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Commerce and Navigation， which finally ended the unequal treaty status between Japan and Western powers. During this process， Mutsu became a skilled and sophisticated diplomat.
In the mid and late 19th Century， the political situation in Asia was complicated. Mutsu gradually realized that Korea would become the hotspot for clashes between Japan and the Qing Empire and that war was unavoidable. He began to strategize Japan’s preparation， launch， and endgame for the war. Using diplomatic and publicity methods， Mutsu successfully labeled Qing Empire“barbarous” and built a civilized and progressive image for Japan. The war was understated as “rational conflict”， and even won acquiescence from some Western countries including Great Britain and the U.S. After the war， Mutsu joined Ito Hirobumi in negotiating the Treaty of Shimonoseki with the Qing Empire， which gained enormous political and economic benefits for Japan. After the First SinoJapanese War， Mutsu died of tuberculosis in 1897. His foreign policy over the last two decades of the 19th Century changed Japan’s trajectory forever. Some historians have even dubbed Meiji Japan’s diplomacy as “Mutsu diplomacy”.
UK
Joseph Chamberlain （1836-1914）
Although he was never prime minister， Joseph Chamberlain was one of the most important British politician and statesmen during the late 19th Century and early 20th Century. Of course， in modern history， the name Neville Chamberlain is more familiar. The latter， most famed for appeasing Hitler， was Joseph Chamberlain’s second son who did become prime minister.
Contrasting many politicians of his era， Joseph Chamberlain started his career as a screw manufacturer， never received college education and was elected to the House of Commons at the age of 40， relatively late for a top politician. From 1873 to 1875， as the mayor of Birmingham， he conducted large-scale city renovation and construction projects， and quickly became a radical Liberal Party leader. Later， he served as President of the Board of Trade in Gladstone’s second government. In 1895， he joined the cabinet of his former rival， conservative Lord Salisbury， and accepted the post of Colonial Secretary.
In terms of foreign policy， Chamberlain was quite aggressive. After becoming Colonial Secretary， he advocated expanding new colonies in order to solve various social problems of the UK， such as job shortages and transferring surplus capital. This kind of mindset was also applied to the relationship between UK and the Qing Empire. At that time， Britain dominated China’s foreign trade， and Chamberlain wanted to maintain China’s “integrity” to keep the country’s value as a market for British goods. In the Far East region， the growing influence of Russia in northeastern China worried Chamberlain most. However， due to different strategic interests， his attempts to establish an Anglo-German alliance in Far East against Russia failed. Later， he suggested cooperating with Japan to counterbalance emerging Russia and the two countries quickly became allied.
Robert Gascoyne-Cecil，
3rd Marquess of Salisbury （1830-1903）
By the 1870s， Great Britain has lost its dominant position in global industry. With power declining and other countries emerging， Britain had to adjust its foreign policy for a new world. Salisbury helmed British foreign policy during the last two decades of the 19th Century. Born in 1830， Cecil inherited the Marquessate of Salisbury in 1868 upon the death of his father and became a member of the House of Lords. During his lifetime， Salisbury served as prime minister three times and held the post of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs for a particularly long period.
Like Joseph Chamberlain， Salisbury’s key foreign policy focus was maintaining and expanding colonies. During his terms， Britain’s colonial influence expanded in Asia， West Africa， and South Africa. Contrasting Joseph Chamberlain， he pursued “Splendid Isolation”， a popular British concept of foreign policy. In Europe， he refused an invitation to join an alliance with Germany， Austria， and Italy many times. In the Far East， after the First Sino-Japanese War， he didn’t agree with Joseph Chamberlain’s suggestion to establish a local Anglo-German alliance. Through his policies， Salisbury not only strengthened and expanded British power， but also eased conflict with other powers， to some extent.
Salisbury was a quite practical politician. For example， in 1898， when Russian troops began occupying China’s Lushun（known as Port Arthur）， Salisbury， who was highly aware of Russia’s rising influence in China， chose to keep quiet. He was busy fighting for Sudan with France， which meant much more to his country. And his attitude changed several times during the First Sino-Japanese War. From urging restraint on both sides， to acquiescing Japan’s launch of war， to welcoming Britain’s alliance with Japan， Salisbury’s changing attitudes were always tied to maximizing British gains.
Russia
Nicholas II （1868-1918）
Nicholas II is more widely known as the last tsar. His reign saw Imperial Russia drop from one of the great world powers to economic and military collapse， with an expansive gap between rich and poor， numerous bankrupt farmers， and severe social conflict.
By the latter half of the 19th Century， Russia had shifted its expansion focus to the Far East and planned to construct the Trans-Siberian Railway through which it hoped to tighten control over northeastern China and Korea. From 1890 to 1891， Nicholas began a world tour as tsarevich （crown prince）， arranged by his father， Alexander III. He visited Greece， Egypt， India， Japan， and China before returning to Russia via Siberia. Thus， he became the only Russian tsar to visit Asia. And the trip greatly influenced his opinion of the Far East.
After taking the throne， he became more ambitious about the East. In 1895， only six days after signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki， he staged the“Triple Intervention” along with France and Germany to apply diplomatic pressure on Japan to return territory to China in exchange for a larger cash settlement. From this perspective， some historians consider Russia the real big winner of the First SinoJapanese War. Japan wanted to control Korea， but Russia ended up with major gains without firing a shot. In the war’s wake， Russia replaced China as Japan’s major rival and quickly expanded its influence in Korea. Later， through a series of treaties and measures， the tsar successfully merged northeastern China into Russia’s sphere of influence. Sergei Yulyevich Witte （1849-1915）
A highly influential policy-maker and long-time minister of finance of the Russian Empire during the late 19th and early 20th centuries， Sergei Yulyevich Witte is best known for his role in the formulation and implementation of Russia’s Far East policies.
Witte was born in a noble family and received a good education. He began to work for the government in 1871. In 1892， he was appointed Minister of Ways and Communications and only six months later Minister of Finance， a post he would hold for the next 11 years.
In terms of domestic policy， while guarding the tsarist system， Witte introduced heavy foreign capital and investment to Russia. He carried out a series of policies including accelerating construction of railways， banking reform， and promoting development of capitalist-imperialism in Russia.
In terms of foreign policy， Witte hoped to establish a strategic position for Russia in the Far East， and “share” the Asian market with other Western countries. He advocated that China maintain its status quo because Russia wouldn’t gain much from holding territory in China if its influence in the region remained weak. He was the mastermind behind the “Triple Intervention，” and he secured the Sino-Russian Secret Treaty with the Qing Empire， enabling Russia to construct the China Eastern Railway in China.
However， his proposal to strengthen Russia’s colonial interests by giving up some territorial claims in the Far East was not accepted by some Russian radicals. Witte strongly opposed Russian occupation of China’s Dalian and Lushun （Port Arthur）， which escalated existing conflicts between Japan and Russia and was even considered the root of the Russo-Japanese War from 1904 to 1905.
Germany
William II of Germany （1859-1941）
William II of Germany was the last German kaiser. A traumatic birth left him with a withered left arm. Historians have suggested that this disability affected the kaiser’s emotional development. They believe that his weak physical condition made the kaiser overly ambitious and reckless， and hurt his rationality in terms of decision-making.
After the 29-year-old succeeded his father as kaiser in 1888， he began to launch his famous， pro-militarism “world policy.” The young emperor hoped to protect Germany’s “place in the sun”through vigorous and rapid expansion， which marked his abandonment of Otto von Bismarck’s careful Euro-centric foreign policy.
In terms of the Far East， because of Germany’s comparative weakness， it didn’t gain much from the Qing Empire for a long time. Even when Germany joined the “Triple Intervention” with Russia and France， it was not as richly “rewarded” as the other two powers. In November 1897， after hearing the news of a German priest being killed in Shandong Province， William II was excited to finally find an excuse to get involved in China. He soon dispatched fleets to seize Jiaozhou Bay and took over Qingdao. Eventually， all of Shandong Province became a German colonial concession. In 1900， the “Boxer Movement” broke out and Clemens von Ketteler， Germany’s top diplomat in Beijing， was killed. William II dispatched 20，000 troops to China， which consolidated and further expanded German influence in the Qing Empire.
Li Hongzhang （1823-1901）
When the clouds of smoke over the Yellow Sea dissipated 120 years ago， the Beiyang Fleet had been completely annihilated and China defeated in the Sino-Japanese War. Li Hongzhang was a key figure in the event， regardless of history’s judgment.
A politician， general and diplomat of the late Qing Dynasty， Li Hongzhang occupied a prestigious position during the Sino-Japanese War. However， he still could never get the help he needed， as illustrated with the quote “a man against a country.” Crises seemed to rise from all sides – Japan’s provocation and invasion from the outside only exacerbated pressures raging within the country. By the time the Qing made up its mind to fight， the regime was already on its last leg.
Li was fully aware of the country’s situation – too weak to resist the enemy. He therefore insisted on buying time to secure peace through the general diplomatic principle of “cementing relations with Western countries and implementing reforms domestically” during the nation’s self-improvement by “playing one power against another” as China watched each big power’s growing foreign aggression. Nevertheless， much was beyond his control due to the “clear mind” of the imperial court， leaving him no choice but to accept the challenge of war.
The end of the Sino-Japanese War left Li a complete failure. Tokyo emerged victorious and he completely lost the Beiyang Fleet he built as part of the Self-Strengthening Movement， a modernization drive launched throughout the country during the late Qing period， initiated by him and Prince Gong.
Beginning in the 1870s， Li proposed construction of coastal defense by establishing a modern Chinese navy， namely the Beiyang Fleet， which would become most powerful maritime force in Asia at that time. However， the Qing court， considering Japan a“small nation，” ignored its national defense needs claiming budget constraints and cut its military while its opponent was engaged in arms manufacturing on a massive scale.
Upon the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War， the Beiyang Fleet was still composed of aging warships and lacked sufficient ammunition， leading to its eventual destruction. Due to the meager resources he had to work with， Li was forced to lead the navy under the principle of “protecting the ships by anticipating the enemy and hiding to avoid further damage of the ships.” After the war， Li Hongzhang was appointed a major diplomat by Empress Dowager Cixi to negotiate with Japan for peace. After signing the humiliating Treaty of Shimonoseki in Japan， he pledged to never revisit the land， and became a prime scapegoat for the Qing court. He was removed from his positions of Viceroy of Zhili and Beiyang Minister， which he had held for 25 years. He died from liver inflammation two months later at Shenlian Temple in Beijing.
Weng Tonghe （1830-1904）
Weng Tonghe was an important figure in the late Qing court， where he tutored two emperors： Tongzhi and Guangxu. Knowledgeable of both old and new academia， he was an astute teacher， demonstrating to Emperor Guangxu how to manage political affairs through observing general trends of events domestically and internationally， and encouraging him to crack down on long-standing abuses and strengthen social order and law. Weng made indelible contributions to modern Chinese education through injecting his ideas into his political and educational practices.
During his tenure in the Qing court， Weng Tonghe participated in decisions related to the Sino-French and Sino-Japanese wars， served on the Grand Council， and oversaw the Board of Revenue for more than a decade. However， Weng became most famed for two events： the Sino-Japanese War and Constitutional Reform and Modernization – as a war hawk in the former and a reformer in the latter.
Weng offered full support to Emperor Guangxu. During the Sino-Japanese War， he was a member of the top decision-making body of the Qing court， constantly battling with the pacifist faction headed by Li Hongzhang. Some believe that personal disputes and disagreements between Weng and Li were reflected in national affairs. Weng vented his personal frustration by underfunding the Beiyang Fleet， a key factor leading to China’s defeat in the SinoJapanese War – a move which would haunt him for eternity.
The crushing defeat in the Sino-Japanese War triggered the Hundred Days’ Reform from June 11 to September 21， 1898， provoking unprecedented political reform in modern China. Weng stood at the forefront of constitutional reform and modernization after the war， but he was eventually dismissed from office and sent back to his hometown after the reform failed to produce quick results and Emperor Guangxu lost power.
Ding Ruchang （1836-1895）
As China was defeated in the Sino-Japanese War， Ding Ruchang， admiral of the Beiyang Fleet， committed suicide， closing a sad bloody chapter of Asian history. Ding Ruchang joined the Taiping Rebellion in 1854， but later surrendered and defected to the imperial cause. After actively helping the Qing court suppress the Nian Rebellion， he was awarded with the equivalent rank of colonel. In 1874， he protested the Qing Dynasty government’s decision to reduce the size of the army and returned to his hometown to avoid persecution. A fellow villager happened to be Li Hongzhang， a politician， general and diplomat of the late Qing Dynasty， with whom Ding acquired close contact. Li recruited Ding to command the Beiyang Fleet， the most modern of China’s regional navies， and made him a top aide.
During the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895， Ding pushed for direct confrontation with the Imperial Japanese Navy at the Battle of the Yalu River， which lasted more than five hours. After losing five ships and 600 lives， the Chinese navy withdrew to Lushun and Weihai， ordered by the government not to operate east of the mouth of the Yalu River to avoid further damage to warships， thus leaving the Japanese navy void of opposition.
The imperial court dismissed Ding from his position because the Beiyang Fleet suffered such heavy losses under his command. During the subsequent Battle of Weihaiwei， he led the defense against a siege at the Port of Weihai and Liugong Island. The situation again proved hopeless when the Japanese army seized shore fortifications and lowered harbor defenses to enable attacks by Japanese torpedo boats. Ding refused offers of political asylum from Japanese admiral Itoh Sukeyuki and committed suicide by overdosing on opium in his office at the Liugong Island headquarters.
Long after the flames of war subsided， the debate about Ding Ruchang continued. Some consider him a national hero who fought bravely， commanded calmly， refused to surrender， and devoted his life to the country. Others argue he had little knowledge of naval affairs， led incompetently and was too weak to fight the enemy effectively.
Whatever the reasons behind the destruction of the Beiyang Fleet， questions about Ding’s command and failures in battle are left for future generations.
Prince Gong （1833-1898）
Aisin Gioro Yixin， better known as Prince Gong （or formally， Prince Gong of the First Rank）， was the sixth son of Emperor Daoguang of the Qing Dynasty （1644-1911）. He served as military minister from 1853 to 1855. During the Second Opium War （1856-1860）， Yixin was appointed Imperial Envoy with Full Authority for the negotiation with Britain， France and Russia on behalf of the Qing government and concluded the Convention of Beijing with Western powers. In 1884， he was dismissed from office by Empress Dowager Cixi after China’s defeat in the Sino-French War. In 1894， upon the outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War， Yixin was recalled to the imperial court to deal with the situation. As a central figure of power in the Qing imperial court， Yixin contributed considerably to establishing modern Chinese industry and accelerating modern Chinese education.
From the 1860s to 1890s， to enrich and strengthen the country amidst the domestic uprising of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom（1851-1864） and repeated foreign aggression， Yixin spearheaded various reforms during the early part of the Self-Strengthening Movement to modernize China， thus birthing modern Chinese industry through establishing military and civilian-run industries. Modern education accelerated through the establishment of newstyle schools and dispatching students and scholars abroad for further study.
His efforts also helped the late Qing court restore the country by suppressing the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom while maintaining peace with Western powers.
As a senior statesman， Yixin was facing complex challenges when the country was in danger. Some officials placed hope in him， suggesting attacks on Nagasaki and Yokohama in Japan. After periods of being spoiled and dismissed， Yixin learned to play within certain rules – obeying Empress Dowager Cixi’s will.
With regards to the Sino-Japanese War， Cixi advocated making peace， so Yixin was committed to arbitration with involved countries and visited Japan for peace talks. He pleased Cixi with his silence during the handling of foreign affairs， particularly the Sino-Japanese War and the “Triple Intervention.”
As a result， some regard Yixin as “aimlessly wandering with fewer proposals after his reinstatement.”
Korea
Queen Min of Joseon Korea （1851-1895）
Whether in Chinese or English， the name of the First SinoJapanese War highlights only two parties： the Qing Empire and Japan. But actually， Korea was another major player in the war. Queen Min was leading Korea in the late 19th Century when the First Sino-Japanese War broke out. Although she is now better known as Empress Myeongseong， that handle is only a posthumous title. The woman was never empress when alive； she ruled as Queen Min of Joseon Korea， a vassal state of the Qing Empire.
Born in 1851， Queen Min married King Gojong in 1866. At that time， the actual person in power in Korea was King Gojong’s father and regent， Yi Ha-eung， the Taewongun. In the 19th Century， while Western powers were developing exponentially， Taewongun maintained an isolationist policy. To remove her father-in-law’s power and influence， the young queen encouraged her husband to adopt a more open policy， enlist support from proJapan reformists， and appoint members of her clan to a number of positions. During her political battle with Taewongun， the queen gradually distanced herself from pro-Japan reformists， became pro-China， and used Qing power to neutralize enemies. The Qing Empire was defeated in the First Sino-Japanese War and forced to sign the Treaty of Shimonoseki with Japan in which China“recognizes definitively the full and complete independence and autonomy of Korea.” The treaty led to “Triple Intervention” from Russia， France， and Germany， just six days after its signing. They demanded that Japan withdraw its claim to the Liaodong Peninsula. Queen Min immediately realized that she could utilize Russia to fight Japan. Thus， the queen， who had lost some power to pro-Japanese factions in her court， appealed to Russia， which would lead to her death. In 1895， the Japanese stormed the palace in Seoul and assassinated the queen. As Western powers fought each other ferociously in the late 19th Century， Queen Min capitalized on international conflict to buy some time for Korea. She tactfully used conflicts between Japan and Russia to postpone Japan’s domination of Korea.
Taewongun （1820-1898）
In the 1870s， Korea， geographically “encircled” by China， Russia， and Japan， became the flashpoint for struggle between Asia’s young emerging power of Japan and the old Qing Empire. Taewongun， Prince Yi Ha-eung， was a key political figure of Joseon Korea in late 19th Century.
Taewongun literally translates as “prince of the great court.”It was a title granted to the father of the reigning monarch if he did not reign himself. In 1863， King Cheoljong died without an heir and Yi Ha-eung’s 11-year-old son was chosen to be the next king， which was how the Taewongun became regent and came to power. In 1873， King Gojong turned 21. His wife， Queen Min， influenced his decision to “assume full royal responsibility，” a move that forced the Taewongun into semi-retirement. Taewongun and Queen Min quarreled politically for the next two decades， and two corresponding groups， with starkly contrasting domestic and foreign policies， took shape in Korea.
As a renowned conservative politician of modern Korea， Taewongun was known for his reforms in disciplining royal clans and enforcing the seclusion policy. In June 1894， Japan invaded Korea， and asked Korea to carry out domestic reform. Claiming to “help Korea gain autonomy，” Japanese took over the Korean palace， arrested Gojong， and placed the Taewongun in charge. Later， Gojong， in Japananese captivity， was forced to declare war with the Qing Empire and “asked for help” from Japan to “dislodge”Qing soldiers from Korea， the excuse Japan needed to launch the First Sino-Japanese War.
Things didn’t go as smoothly as hoped for Japan with Taewongun in charge， because he didn’t follow their wishes as they hoped. The Japanese soon decided that the Taewongun couldn’t be trusted， and removed him from power. Afterwards， he “abstained from interference in political affairs” and died in February 1898.
Japan
Ito Hirobumi （1841-1909）
In the mid and late 19th Century， Ito Hirobumi was a major figure， even in the international political arena. In 1841， he was born into an ordinary family in Japan. At that time， Japan was in great turmoil： the Tokugawa Shogunate was declining， the feudal political system was deteriorating， and Western powers were gaining influence in the country. In 1863， Ito traveled to Great Britain to study its navy， where he was convinced of the necessity of Japan adopting Western ways. He advocated learning from Western powers， and presided over construction of Japan’s first railway. He visited the United States to study Western currency systems， later constructing Japan’s modern financial system， and took measures to push forward Japan’s industrial modernization. In 1878， at the age of 37， he took the post of Home Minister and secured a central position in the Meiji government. Later， based on European ideas， Ito established a cabinet system of government and became the first prime minister of Japan. In his lifetime， he held the post of prime minister four times.
In 1894， Ito’s cabinet launched the First Sino-Japanese War. During the war， he participated in all of Japan’s major decision making， greatly influencing the process of the war. Some historians even muse that the First Sino-Japanese War was actually a duel between Ito and his Qing counterpart Li Hongzhang， who was also known for his generally pro-modernism stance.
It is fair to say that Ito was a major contributor to Japan becoming a modern global power. Compared to Chinese reformers of his time， Ito attached greater importance to learning the “core”of Western civilization， such as democracy， human rights， and law， rather than just studying technologies and inventions. In October 1909， Ito was assassinated by An Jung-geun， a Korean nationalist， in the northeastern Chinese city of Harbin. After his death， he was given a state funeral.
Mutsu Munemitsu （1844-1897）
Mutsu Munemitsuwas one of the most celebrated statesmen and diplomats of Meiji Japan （1868-1911）. He was also a key figure in modern Sino-Japan relations.
As a young man， Mutsu became friends with several pro-West Japanese politicians including Ito Hirobumi. In 1884， he visited Great Britain and Germany to study constitutionalism. In 1886， he returned to Japan to work for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1894， as foreign minister of the Ito Hirobumi cabinet， he pushed for the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Commerce and Navigation， which finally ended the unequal treaty status between Japan and Western powers. During this process， Mutsu became a skilled and sophisticated diplomat.
In the mid and late 19th Century， the political situation in Asia was complicated. Mutsu gradually realized that Korea would become the hotspot for clashes between Japan and the Qing Empire and that war was unavoidable. He began to strategize Japan’s preparation， launch， and endgame for the war. Using diplomatic and publicity methods， Mutsu successfully labeled Qing Empire“barbarous” and built a civilized and progressive image for Japan. The war was understated as “rational conflict”， and even won acquiescence from some Western countries including Great Britain and the U.S. After the war， Mutsu joined Ito Hirobumi in negotiating the Treaty of Shimonoseki with the Qing Empire， which gained enormous political and economic benefits for Japan. After the First SinoJapanese War， Mutsu died of tuberculosis in 1897. His foreign policy over the last two decades of the 19th Century changed Japan’s trajectory forever. Some historians have even dubbed Meiji Japan’s diplomacy as “Mutsu diplomacy”.
UK
Joseph Chamberlain （1836-1914）
Although he was never prime minister， Joseph Chamberlain was one of the most important British politician and statesmen during the late 19th Century and early 20th Century. Of course， in modern history， the name Neville Chamberlain is more familiar. The latter， most famed for appeasing Hitler， was Joseph Chamberlain’s second son who did become prime minister.
Contrasting many politicians of his era， Joseph Chamberlain started his career as a screw manufacturer， never received college education and was elected to the House of Commons at the age of 40， relatively late for a top politician. From 1873 to 1875， as the mayor of Birmingham， he conducted large-scale city renovation and construction projects， and quickly became a radical Liberal Party leader. Later， he served as President of the Board of Trade in Gladstone’s second government. In 1895， he joined the cabinet of his former rival， conservative Lord Salisbury， and accepted the post of Colonial Secretary.
In terms of foreign policy， Chamberlain was quite aggressive. After becoming Colonial Secretary， he advocated expanding new colonies in order to solve various social problems of the UK， such as job shortages and transferring surplus capital. This kind of mindset was also applied to the relationship between UK and the Qing Empire. At that time， Britain dominated China’s foreign trade， and Chamberlain wanted to maintain China’s “integrity” to keep the country’s value as a market for British goods. In the Far East region， the growing influence of Russia in northeastern China worried Chamberlain most. However， due to different strategic interests， his attempts to establish an Anglo-German alliance in Far East against Russia failed. Later， he suggested cooperating with Japan to counterbalance emerging Russia and the two countries quickly became allied.
Robert Gascoyne-Cecil，
3rd Marquess of Salisbury （1830-1903）
By the 1870s， Great Britain has lost its dominant position in global industry. With power declining and other countries emerging， Britain had to adjust its foreign policy for a new world. Salisbury helmed British foreign policy during the last two decades of the 19th Century. Born in 1830， Cecil inherited the Marquessate of Salisbury in 1868 upon the death of his father and became a member of the House of Lords. During his lifetime， Salisbury served as prime minister three times and held the post of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs for a particularly long period.
Like Joseph Chamberlain， Salisbury’s key foreign policy focus was maintaining and expanding colonies. During his terms， Britain’s colonial influence expanded in Asia， West Africa， and South Africa. Contrasting Joseph Chamberlain， he pursued “Splendid Isolation”， a popular British concept of foreign policy. In Europe， he refused an invitation to join an alliance with Germany， Austria， and Italy many times. In the Far East， after the First Sino-Japanese War， he didn’t agree with Joseph Chamberlain’s suggestion to establish a local Anglo-German alliance. Through his policies， Salisbury not only strengthened and expanded British power， but also eased conflict with other powers， to some extent.
Salisbury was a quite practical politician. For example， in 1898， when Russian troops began occupying China’s Lushun（known as Port Arthur）， Salisbury， who was highly aware of Russia’s rising influence in China， chose to keep quiet. He was busy fighting for Sudan with France， which meant much more to his country. And his attitude changed several times during the First Sino-Japanese War. From urging restraint on both sides， to acquiescing Japan’s launch of war， to welcoming Britain’s alliance with Japan， Salisbury’s changing attitudes were always tied to maximizing British gains.
Russia
Nicholas II （1868-1918）
Nicholas II is more widely known as the last tsar. His reign saw Imperial Russia drop from one of the great world powers to economic and military collapse， with an expansive gap between rich and poor， numerous bankrupt farmers， and severe social conflict.
By the latter half of the 19th Century， Russia had shifted its expansion focus to the Far East and planned to construct the Trans-Siberian Railway through which it hoped to tighten control over northeastern China and Korea. From 1890 to 1891， Nicholas began a world tour as tsarevich （crown prince）， arranged by his father， Alexander III. He visited Greece， Egypt， India， Japan， and China before returning to Russia via Siberia. Thus， he became the only Russian tsar to visit Asia. And the trip greatly influenced his opinion of the Far East.
After taking the throne， he became more ambitious about the East. In 1895， only six days after signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki， he staged the“Triple Intervention” along with France and Germany to apply diplomatic pressure on Japan to return territory to China in exchange for a larger cash settlement. From this perspective， some historians consider Russia the real big winner of the First SinoJapanese War. Japan wanted to control Korea， but Russia ended up with major gains without firing a shot. In the war’s wake， Russia replaced China as Japan’s major rival and quickly expanded its influence in Korea. Later， through a series of treaties and measures， the tsar successfully merged northeastern China into Russia’s sphere of influence. Sergei Yulyevich Witte （1849-1915）
A highly influential policy-maker and long-time minister of finance of the Russian Empire during the late 19th and early 20th centuries， Sergei Yulyevich Witte is best known for his role in the formulation and implementation of Russia’s Far East policies.
Witte was born in a noble family and received a good education. He began to work for the government in 1871. In 1892， he was appointed Minister of Ways and Communications and only six months later Minister of Finance， a post he would hold for the next 11 years.
In terms of domestic policy， while guarding the tsarist system， Witte introduced heavy foreign capital and investment to Russia. He carried out a series of policies including accelerating construction of railways， banking reform， and promoting development of capitalist-imperialism in Russia.
In terms of foreign policy， Witte hoped to establish a strategic position for Russia in the Far East， and “share” the Asian market with other Western countries. He advocated that China maintain its status quo because Russia wouldn’t gain much from holding territory in China if its influence in the region remained weak. He was the mastermind behind the “Triple Intervention，” and he secured the Sino-Russian Secret Treaty with the Qing Empire， enabling Russia to construct the China Eastern Railway in China.
However， his proposal to strengthen Russia’s colonial interests by giving up some territorial claims in the Far East was not accepted by some Russian radicals. Witte strongly opposed Russian occupation of China’s Dalian and Lushun （Port Arthur）， which escalated existing conflicts between Japan and Russia and was even considered the root of the Russo-Japanese War from 1904 to 1905.
Germany
William II of Germany （1859-1941）
William II of Germany was the last German kaiser. A traumatic birth left him with a withered left arm. Historians have suggested that this disability affected the kaiser’s emotional development. They believe that his weak physical condition made the kaiser overly ambitious and reckless， and hurt his rationality in terms of decision-making.
After the 29-year-old succeeded his father as kaiser in 1888， he began to launch his famous， pro-militarism “world policy.” The young emperor hoped to protect Germany’s “place in the sun”through vigorous and rapid expansion， which marked his abandonment of Otto von Bismarck’s careful Euro-centric foreign policy.
In terms of the Far East， because of Germany’s comparative weakness， it didn’t gain much from the Qing Empire for a long time. Even when Germany joined the “Triple Intervention” with Russia and France， it was not as richly “rewarded” as the other two powers. In November 1897， after hearing the news of a German priest being killed in Shandong Province， William II was excited to finally find an excuse to get involved in China. He soon dispatched fleets to seize Jiaozhou Bay and took over Qingdao. Eventually， all of Shandong Province became a German colonial concession. In 1900， the “Boxer Movement” broke out and Clemens von Ketteler， Germany’s top diplomat in Beijing， was killed. William II dispatched 20，000 troops to China， which consolidated and further expanded German influence in the Qing Empire.