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The Japanese Government appointed Yutaka Yokoi ambassador to China on March 25.
Yokoi， 61， is classified as a “Chinaschool” diplomat， and is the first of such to be named ambassador to China since 2010. A China-school diplomat refers to employees of the Japanese Foreign Ministry who underwent language training in China. The announcement bears special connotations against the backdrop painted by an enduring chill in China-Japan relations.
Though the appointment is widely regarded as a positive signal for detente， many scholars have noted that the deadlock between the two countries is a result of a variety of factors. If these underlying problems cannot be addressed， it is hard to envision an adequate thaw in relations.
A positive approach
The appointment is viewed by many as a constructive move for bilateral relations， said Professor Zhou Yongsheng in an interview with Beijing Review. Professor Zhou is a senior researcher on Northeast Asian studies at the Beijing-based China Foreign Affairs University.
Yokoi， who worked in China as consul general in Shanghai and a senior diplomat at the Japanese Embassy in Beijing， is reported to have close ties to Chinese leaders and officials.
“An ambassador who has a greater understanding of China can usually deliver more evenhanded messages to top Japanese officials， who could then make more balanced and friendly policies toward China，”added Zhou.
Yang Bojiang， Deputy Director of the Institute of Japan Study under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences （CASS）， echoed Professor Zhou’s analysis. Yang was quoted by Xinhua News Agency as saying that Yokoi’s knowledge of China enables him to understand the history and status between the two countries better. His rich work experience in China could also be an advantage in terms of communication， Yang claimed.
Yang also believed that the move could be seen as an attempt to smooth bilateral communication between Beijing and Tokyo.
Nonetheless， both Zhou and Yang emphasized that the new appointment is unlikely to bring substantial changes to the region’s most complicated geopolitical contenders anytime soon—though it would be a step forward.
Zhou told Beijing Review， “An ambassador-level official generally has little say over a country’s foreign policymaking. An ambassador represents the national interests of his nation， and is tasked with implementing the foreign policies developed by the top leaders of his country of origin. In addition， a Chinahand ambassador doesn’t necessarily equate to a pro-China ambassador.” According to Yang， the former Japanese ambassador Masato Kitera， 63， had actually made several efforts to improve China-Japan relations. However， Yang claimed that due to a wide scope of factors involved in their bilateral relations， not much progress had been made.
The fundamental problem
The standstill between the two countries can be attributed to a raft of antecedents including a number of territorial disputes and historical issues.
Longtime observers of China-Japan relations have claimed that the essential issue sparking friction between China and Japan is Tokyo’s growing suspicion toward Beijing， which has come about as a result of an evolving international structure.
China’s rapid rise during the beginning of the 21st century， and in particular when it superseded Japan as the world’s second largest economy in 2010， triggered anxiety amongst Japan’s political elites， according to Zhou.
This subsequently led to some political forces’ hype of the so-called “China threat theory” and insistence on the containment of China， as well as the creation of obstacles for China’s development. Meanwhile， Japanese politics has veered increasingly toward the right.
Since assuming office once again as Japanese Prime Minister at the end of 2012， Shinzo Abe has taken several steps that China has found hard to swallow. Prominent among such measures include his provocative visits to the contentious Yasukuni Shrine， where several of Japan’s most notorious war criminals are enshrined.
Another controversial effort was his work to eliminate Article 9 from Japan’s Constitution. This move advocated a “security diamond” embodied through diplomatic offensives designed to counteract China’s influence in the Asia-Pacific region.
Abe has also used China to grease the passage of new security bills which allow Japanese army to participate in overseas operations， in spite of public opposition.
At a press conference during the Fourth Session of the 12th National People’s Congress on March 8， Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told the Japanese Mainichi Shimbun newspaper that the problem behind the relations between both countries is that some politicians in Japan have the wrong perception of China.
Professor Zhou claimed that there is deep ambivalence regarding the Japanese Government’s relationship with China. Zhou mused that on one hand， Tokyo isn’t content with a rapidly rising neighbor which was once viewed as the “sick man of East Asia.” But on the other hand， it doesn’t want to lose an opportunity to take advantage of China’s growth and development. Zhou said that Japan’s top leadership has attempted to contain China while simultaneously seeking to improve relations—a typical case of double-dealing.
“The nomination of Yokoi provides the case in point，” said Zhou. “But the fundamental principle in improving these relations involves a psychological adjustment in Japan’s perceptions of a rising China.”
In fact， a majority of Chinese scholars believe that Japan is no longer high on the diplomatic agenda of the Chinese Government. It is mainly because of its“diminishing economic status in the global arena，” said Professor Zhou.
In an article recently published on The Diplomat， an online news magazine whose headquarters are located in Tokyo， Xue Li， another researcher with the CASS， stated that Japan has fallen behind Russia， Kazakhstan， Pakistan， the ASEAN， and South Korea on China’s diplomatic priority list. Xue believed that the situation would continue in the foreseeable future.
Actually， Japan used to be a very important country for China in the 1980s and 1990s， as exemplified by their harmonious bilateral relations and close cooperation—second only to the United States.
Xue suggested in his article that to improve bilateral relations， Japan should give up its uncooperative attitude toward China. For instance， Japan can join in the Chinaproposed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road Initiative， which can not only bring the two countries collaboration and development opportunities but also bridge the political gap.
In addition， some noted that people-topeople cultural exchanges between the two nations should play a special role in promoting bilateral ties.
During the past annual meeting of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference （CPPCC）， Zhou Mingwei， a CPPCC National Committee member and a member of the Fifth 21stCentury Committee for China-Japan Friendship， told Beijing Review that the role of such people-to-people exchange should never be ignored in efforts to improve ChinaJapan relations.
Zhou suggested that the two countries should work together to organize and coordinate bilateral people-to-people exchange activities， strengthen communication and build trust among one another.
Yokoi， 61， is classified as a “Chinaschool” diplomat， and is the first of such to be named ambassador to China since 2010. A China-school diplomat refers to employees of the Japanese Foreign Ministry who underwent language training in China. The announcement bears special connotations against the backdrop painted by an enduring chill in China-Japan relations.
Though the appointment is widely regarded as a positive signal for detente， many scholars have noted that the deadlock between the two countries is a result of a variety of factors. If these underlying problems cannot be addressed， it is hard to envision an adequate thaw in relations.
A positive approach
The appointment is viewed by many as a constructive move for bilateral relations， said Professor Zhou Yongsheng in an interview with Beijing Review. Professor Zhou is a senior researcher on Northeast Asian studies at the Beijing-based China Foreign Affairs University.
Yokoi， who worked in China as consul general in Shanghai and a senior diplomat at the Japanese Embassy in Beijing， is reported to have close ties to Chinese leaders and officials.
“An ambassador who has a greater understanding of China can usually deliver more evenhanded messages to top Japanese officials， who could then make more balanced and friendly policies toward China，”added Zhou.
Yang Bojiang， Deputy Director of the Institute of Japan Study under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences （CASS）， echoed Professor Zhou’s analysis. Yang was quoted by Xinhua News Agency as saying that Yokoi’s knowledge of China enables him to understand the history and status between the two countries better. His rich work experience in China could also be an advantage in terms of communication， Yang claimed.
Yang also believed that the move could be seen as an attempt to smooth bilateral communication between Beijing and Tokyo.
Nonetheless， both Zhou and Yang emphasized that the new appointment is unlikely to bring substantial changes to the region’s most complicated geopolitical contenders anytime soon—though it would be a step forward.
Zhou told Beijing Review， “An ambassador-level official generally has little say over a country’s foreign policymaking. An ambassador represents the national interests of his nation， and is tasked with implementing the foreign policies developed by the top leaders of his country of origin. In addition， a Chinahand ambassador doesn’t necessarily equate to a pro-China ambassador.” According to Yang， the former Japanese ambassador Masato Kitera， 63， had actually made several efforts to improve China-Japan relations. However， Yang claimed that due to a wide scope of factors involved in their bilateral relations， not much progress had been made.
The fundamental problem
The standstill between the two countries can be attributed to a raft of antecedents including a number of territorial disputes and historical issues.
Longtime observers of China-Japan relations have claimed that the essential issue sparking friction between China and Japan is Tokyo’s growing suspicion toward Beijing， which has come about as a result of an evolving international structure.
China’s rapid rise during the beginning of the 21st century， and in particular when it superseded Japan as the world’s second largest economy in 2010， triggered anxiety amongst Japan’s political elites， according to Zhou.
This subsequently led to some political forces’ hype of the so-called “China threat theory” and insistence on the containment of China， as well as the creation of obstacles for China’s development. Meanwhile， Japanese politics has veered increasingly toward the right.
Since assuming office once again as Japanese Prime Minister at the end of 2012， Shinzo Abe has taken several steps that China has found hard to swallow. Prominent among such measures include his provocative visits to the contentious Yasukuni Shrine， where several of Japan’s most notorious war criminals are enshrined.
Another controversial effort was his work to eliminate Article 9 from Japan’s Constitution. This move advocated a “security diamond” embodied through diplomatic offensives designed to counteract China’s influence in the Asia-Pacific region.
Abe has also used China to grease the passage of new security bills which allow Japanese army to participate in overseas operations， in spite of public opposition.
At a press conference during the Fourth Session of the 12th National People’s Congress on March 8， Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told the Japanese Mainichi Shimbun newspaper that the problem behind the relations between both countries is that some politicians in Japan have the wrong perception of China.
Professor Zhou claimed that there is deep ambivalence regarding the Japanese Government’s relationship with China. Zhou mused that on one hand， Tokyo isn’t content with a rapidly rising neighbor which was once viewed as the “sick man of East Asia.” But on the other hand， it doesn’t want to lose an opportunity to take advantage of China’s growth and development. Zhou said that Japan’s top leadership has attempted to contain China while simultaneously seeking to improve relations—a typical case of double-dealing.
“The nomination of Yokoi provides the case in point，” said Zhou. “But the fundamental principle in improving these relations involves a psychological adjustment in Japan’s perceptions of a rising China.”
In fact， a majority of Chinese scholars believe that Japan is no longer high on the diplomatic agenda of the Chinese Government. It is mainly because of its“diminishing economic status in the global arena，” said Professor Zhou.
In an article recently published on The Diplomat， an online news magazine whose headquarters are located in Tokyo， Xue Li， another researcher with the CASS， stated that Japan has fallen behind Russia， Kazakhstan， Pakistan， the ASEAN， and South Korea on China’s diplomatic priority list. Xue believed that the situation would continue in the foreseeable future.
Actually， Japan used to be a very important country for China in the 1980s and 1990s， as exemplified by their harmonious bilateral relations and close cooperation—second only to the United States.
Xue suggested in his article that to improve bilateral relations， Japan should give up its uncooperative attitude toward China. For instance， Japan can join in the Chinaproposed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road Initiative， which can not only bring the two countries collaboration and development opportunities but also bridge the political gap.
In addition， some noted that people-topeople cultural exchanges between the two nations should play a special role in promoting bilateral ties.
During the past annual meeting of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference （CPPCC）， Zhou Mingwei， a CPPCC National Committee member and a member of the Fifth 21stCentury Committee for China-Japan Friendship， told Beijing Review that the role of such people-to-people exchange should never be ignored in efforts to improve ChinaJapan relations.
Zhou suggested that the two countries should work together to organize and coordinate bilateral people-to-people exchange activities， strengthen communication and build trust among one another.